Thursday, October 18, 2018

President Trump and Violations of Human Rights


The newspapers and internet this week have been full of stories about the alleged murder of Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi Arabian Embassy in Turkey. Many commentators have written that President Trump's reaction, at least initially, was inappropriately tepid … at the very least. The President indicated that he (and by extension, the United States) had little reason to respond because Khashoggi was not a citizen of the United States.

Several days later, Leslie Stahl asked in an interview how the United States should respond to Khashoggi's murder if the charges turned out to be true. Trump responded that he didn't want to lose the Saudis' $110 billion order for military equipment because it would "hurt jobs" in United States. In other words, the Saudis alleged severe violation of human rights could be justified by an economic transaction.  Trump saidto Stahl:
There are other ways of — punishing, to use a word that’s a pretty harsh word, but it’s true.  (my italics) 
 In other words to punish Saudi Arabia for the murder of a journalist would be too harsh a response for its crime committed against the world order.

In the same interview, Trump acknowledged that Russia's President Vladimir Putin was "probably" involved in a number of murders of Russian nationals who were living at the time in Great Britain. Trump responded: "it didn't happen here [in the United States], so it's not our responsibility." Leaving aside the question of the appropriateness of his general relationship with Putin, Trump is again saying that severe human rights violations can happen anywhere else in the world without a significant response from the United States.

Trump seems to have a great deal of respect for the autocrats of the world.  Indeed, the first visit his presidency was to Crown Prince bin Salman of Saudi Arabia despite that country's terrible human rights record. The President has also expressed approval of the autocratic rulers of:
  • Egypt (el-Sissi)
  • the Philippines (Duerte)
  • Turkey (Erdocan)
  • China (Xi Jinping) and even some who are dead
         Mussolini (Italy)
         Kaddafi (Libya)
         Hussein (Iraq)
At the same time he’s expressing approval of autocracies, Trump is consistently voicing disdain for democratic countries, such as Canada, Great Britain, Germany, France, and others. The protection of human rights is at the foundation of any democracy, yet Trump flagrantly displays his lack of concern.

This is all to say nothing of President Trump's disdain for the foundations of our own democracy:
  • he has complained about or mocked the judiciary, the media, the rule of law (eg. treatment of immigrants);
  • he has suggested changing libel laws so he could punish the media;
  • he has attempted to suppress Americans' right to protest,
I have been insisting throughout this blog that democracy is a fragile thing. As I've written before, fewer and fewer Americans believe that democracy is important or that it is even a good thing.  Fewer and fewer participate in the vote especially among young—even in local and state-wide democratic institutions.

Democracy requires faith, and it requires participation. It also requires a set of moral values that value freedom of religion, freedom of the press, freedom of dissent, and respect for human rights.

It is critical that the United States endorses and gives support to these values around the world.

President Trump, however, has made clear that United States will not interfere in flagrant violations of human rights** or of democratic norms not only in other countries but also in the United States. Especially at this critical time in our history in which democracy is under attack from many sides, President Trump's refusal to support democracy around the world is another example of his powerfully disruptive force opposing the world's commitment to democracy.

**More on human rights in a future post.

Wednesday, October 10, 2018

Will Amercans Trust the Supreme Court?

In this post I want to examine the attack on the Constitution's separation of powers provisions—which are laid out in the Constitution's first three Articles—especially as they pertain to the Supreme Court.  Both the President and Congress have become extremely partisan and have not been able to hold up their end of the separation of powers agreement.  Then, over the last generation, the Supreme Court has become increasingly partisan, too, which threatens to destroy this fundamental part of American governance.

The Separation of Powers

As I have written before, American democracy depends upon this separation of powers among the three branches of government: the executive (the President), the legislative (Congress), and the judicial (the courts, especially the Supreme Court).  Each branch can limit the power of either of the others.  Congress, for instance, can impeach the president or a Supreme Court justice; the Supreme Court can declare unconstitutional congressional legislation or presidential action; the president can veto legislation and nominate justices to the Supreme Court.  “The Separation of Powers devised by the framers of the Constitution was designed to do one primary thing: to prevent the majority from ruling with an iron fist.”  Aware of the almost absolute power of the British monarchy, the Founding Fathers instituted these controls on any single branch of government to prevent one from overwhelming the others.  It has worked well.  In fact our democracy depends on it.  As far as I know, few other countries have such controls on power.

Popular Support for Supreme Court … And Its Decline

The Supreme Court has maintained its popular support (in Gallup polls, a relatively steady 50%) as the other branches have lost more and more respect.  Congress is at an all-time low: in Gallup polls less than 20% of Americans trust Congress to do the right thing.  The popularity of the President swings back and forth, depending on partisan support; it is currently about 40%.

The Supreme Court has historically remained above partisanship and has retained the respect of the American people despite very controversial decisions such as Brown vs Board of Education (requiring integration of schools) in 1954, Roe vs Wade (prohibiting states from banning abortion) in 1973) and Bush vs Gore (declaring George Bush the President in a very close election in Florida) in 2000.  Despite these inevitably divisive decisions, the Court retained the grudging support of the country and the confidence that it would remain above partisanship.

Unfortunately, the rationale for this trust is gradually being shredded.  Before Justice Clarence Thomas's acrimonious confirmation hearings in 1991, favorable votes for nominees were nearly unanimous.  The confirmation vote for Thomas in 1991, however, was 52 – 48 along partisan lines.  Since the vote for Chief Justice John Roberts (78 – 22) in 2005, no nominee has received more than 68 yes votes, and Justices Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh were confirmed by razor thin margins along partisan lines.

Until 2013 Supreme Court nominations required 60 votes for confirmation, which assured that there would be at least some bipartisan support.  Unfortunately, in 2013, Democrats became increasingly frustrated with the Republican slow-down on confirmations for Obama appointees to lower federal courts.  In response, the Democrats – then in the majority – used the "nuclear option" and changed the requirement for confirmation of these lower-court judges to a simple majority.  They were then able to quickly confirm the backlog of appointees.  The shortsightedness of this maneuver became quickly apparent with Trump's nomination of Gorsuch to the Supreme Court's in 2017.  The Republican Senate, understandably, changed the rules on Supreme Court nominations as well so that a simple majority was all that was required for confirmation.  Since then, both Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh have been confirmed with fewer than fifty-five votes almost strictly along partisan lines.  No longer is there any need to reach out across party lines.

As I mentioned in my last post, the vote for Kavanaugh's confirmation could have been predicted as soon as Trump nominated him because of the partisanship that now surrounds the Court, too.  Even after the extraordinary accusations of Kavanaugh's sexual assaults as an adolescent, the confirmation was pushed through before adequate FBI investigation.  Only one Democratic senator voted yes and no Republican senators voted no.

McConnell's Refusal to Hold Hearings on Merrick Garland

Perhaps the most egregious act of partisanship occurred at the beginning of President Obama's last year in office when he nominated federal appeals court Justice Merrick Garland to fill Justice Antonio Scalia's seat on the Supreme Court.  Ten years earlier Garland had been confirmed to the appeals court with majority Republicans support.  In 2016, however, Senator Mitch McConnell used his naked power as Majority Leader and simply refused to bring Justice Garland's nomination to a vote on the Senate floor, thereby depriving President Obama of his constitutional right to nominate Supreme Court judges and neglecting the Senate's constitutional responsibility to confirm them.  President Trump was elected later that year and nominated right-wing Justice Neil to the seat that would have gone to a moderate.  Gorsuch's ascension to the Court further divided it along partisan lines.

Bitter Confirmation Hearings and Personal Attacks

Probably even worse than the partisanship of the votes was the increasingly bitterness of the confirmation hearings.  Until the confirmation hearings of Robert Bork in 1987, personal attacks were almost unheard of.  The debate around Justice Clarence Thomas in 1991, however, was fierce and deeply personal.

The recent Senate debate around confirmation for Brett Kavanaugh reached a new low in incivility.  In addition to the assaults from Senators' questioning, Justice Kavanaugh's testimony given in response to the allegations of his sexual assault broke with the ironclad tradition of the Court's political neutrality.  Kavanaugh angrily accused Democrats of concocting the entire sexual-assault narrative because of their anger ant Trumps' election and in order to block Kavanaugh's confirmation.  Never before had a Supreme Court nominee revealed in such explicit terms their partisan bias.  It is hard to believe that Justice Kavanaugh's votes on the Court will not be tainted by at least the perception of partisan bias.

Implications


The importance of these developments, I think, cannot be overestimated.  The extreme partisanship, willingness to deprive the president of his constitutional responsibility to appoint judges to the Supreme Court, and the tawdry nature of the confirmation process debase Congress and damage the respect for the Supreme Court. 

The Court has no independent power to enforce its decisions and it depends completely on its moral authority for its power.  As George Will has written about Alexander Hamilton in the Federalist papers #78
The judiciary is …“the least dangerous” branch [of government] because, having “no influence over either the sword or the purse,” it has “neither force nor will, but merely judgment.” Its judgments, however, can be uniquely powerful because they rely entirely on the moral authority of conscientious reasoning explained in writing. 
Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan noted that
the court’s strength as an institution of American governance depends on people believing it has a certain kind of legitimacy — on people believing it’s not simply just an extension of politics, that its decision-making has a kind of integrity to it.  If people don’t believe that, they have no reason to accept what the court does.
The damage to the moral authority upon which the court depends, however, has been grave.  For the next generation, it will be difficult for Americans to give Court decisions, especially the 5 – 4 decisions, the legitimacy that is required in a functioning democracy. 

The separation of powers that has served our country for over two centuries can no longer be taken for granted.  Already Congress, for instance, has refused to accept responsibility for limiting President Trump's uglier decisions.  This President can hardly be depended upon to act as a counterweight to inappropriate congressional action.  If the Supreme Court now becomes as partisan as it looks like it will, the separation of powers so important in American governance will have been almost obliterated.  The danger to the democracy cannot, it seems to me, be overstated.

Tuesday, October 2, 2018

Partisanship and Democracy

Aside from clear-cut, blockbusting FBI findings that would obviously disqualify President Trump's nominee, Brett Kavanaugh, from serving on the Supreme Court, the Senate will soon confirm him to serve the life-time term of a Justice in the Court.  What should be astonishing to us is that the vote on this nomination, even with its razor-thin margin of confirmation, could largely have been predicted almost three months earlier on July 9, when the President nominated Judge Kavanaugh. This completely partisan vote, however astonishing, will not be surprising.

Strictly partisan Congressional votes are no longer surprising.  Most controversial votes are now decided with almost all the Democrats on one side and almost all the Republicans on the other.  It's the deciding vote against one's party's position (such as Senators McCain, Murkowski, and Collin's vote on Obamacare) that is newsworthy.  Partisanship has now become the established way of national politics.  We have become so inured to it we largely shrug it off every time it happens. It's the new normal.

Prior to 1992, such absolute partisanship was uncommon.  We have forgotten how unusual the current state of governance is in the history of American democracy.  Individual members of Congress no longer debate the issues meaningfully but come to their decisions based on small hyper-partisan groups within their constituency. The only criterion seems to be "winning" the vote “for the party.”

One result of this development is that it deeply constrains us voters to act along strictly predetermined party lines, even if we are personally open-minded enough to have convictions outside party dictates.  For example, a constituent who is strongly opposed to abortion-on-demand (currently a Republican position) yet committed to fighting global climate change (currently a Democratic point of view) will likely have no candidate who shares both her positions. At election time, she can vote against abortion OR for government action on climate change, not both. 

The votes in Congress will depend only upon which party is in power.

As undesirable as this is, it has not been judged unconstitutional. The Founding Fathers did not even envision the development of political parties. Since our Constitution does call for "one person, one vote," however, one could make a reasonable case that this hyper-partisanship should be considered unconstitutional since those who stand, for example, both against abortion and for climate control legislation have no meaningful vote.  In a true democracy, each important issue is debated and each side is given a chance to argue its position. In the current partisan environment, however, no such meaningful debate can occur.

Whatever one thinks of the appropriateness of Judge Kavanaugh's place on the Supreme Court, the debates in the judiciary committee were rancorous and meaningless.  Despite Senator Flake's courageous insistence on further FBI investigation, confirmation has hardly been in doubt (unless the FBI were to present extraordinary findings). The extraordinary charges and counter-charges presented at the hearing only served to deepen the partisan divide in our government and in our country.

Not only is this level of partisanship frustrating and unfair, but it also chips away at American democracy.

Note: I wrote this post a full 5 days before Kavanaugh's confirmation, prior to the public concern about his teen-age behavior. And though this behavior was never satisfactorily resolved, the partisan vote on his confirmation was unchanged.