Fourth in a series on moving toward a multiparty democracy
Most democracies in the world have more than two parties, the average being between three and six. Although the details vary considerably, most use some form of proportional representation, which means that the legislature contains numbers of representatives from each party that are proportionate to the number of voters who identify with that party. Proportional systems almost always lead to multiple parties. Although most of those countries are parliamentary systems, presidential systems in South America and elsewhere also use multiple parties successfully.
Proportional Representation Determined by a Vote for Party
Germany is typical of the most common systems in which voters indicate both their preferred national party and vote for a local district candidate. The vote for the party then determines the proportion of legislators allotted to that party in the Bundestag (parliament). The votes for the local district candidates fill half (328) of the Bundestag seats. The other 328 seats are filled by the parties at the national level proportionately.
Over the last five decades, no single party has had a majority in the German Bundestag, so stable coalitions have developed, which have been favored by voters over single-party governments.
(Most countries require a party to have a minimum percentage of the electorate — usually 4% or 5% — to qualify for representation to avoid fracturing with multiple tiny parties.)
Single Transferable Vote (STV)
Since voters in the United States tend to distrust political parties, these European systems emphasizing parties may be less acceptable.
The proportional system most likely to appeal to Americans is some version of the single-transferable vote system (STV) with ranked-choice voting. Unlike American electoral districts for the House of Representatives in which only one member is elected from each district, STV requires multimember districts that send anywhere from three to six (or more) representatives to the legislature.
Ireland has used the single-transferable vote system since its founding in 1921. For the voter, the system is quite straightforward: the voter chooses among candidates (often 10 – 15 candidates in a five-member district) and ranks them in order of preference, placing a number 1 beside their favored candidate, then indicates second, third, etc choices, if desired. About two-thirds of voters see their first-choice candidate elected.
For much of the 20th century, Ireland had only two main parties, but since 1989 the STV system has resulted in multiple parties with stable coalitions. Each of the five largest parties has participated in at least one coalition.
Counting the votes within the STV, however, is somewhat more complicated (see information handout for Irish voters). For each electoral district, the “threshold number” of votes is determined, which is the minimum number that would guarantee victory among the multimember field. Votes beyond the threshold are termed “surplus votes.” In order to make sure surplus votes are not wasted, once a candidate reaches the threshold, their votes are distributed according to a formula to the second- and third-ranked candidates. Through multiple rounds of voting (done by computer), the second- and third- choices of losing candidates are also re-distributed.
While this system is very easy to program into a computer to make election results available automatically and immediately, its complexity might mean it would take Americans — now distrustful of all things political and many things computerized — longer to accept as legitimate.
Presidential Democracies
Most of the world’s multiparty democracies are parliamentary, meaning that legislation only requires a majority in parliament. The situation in presidential democracies is more complicated since the president must work with the legislatures to pass legislation, and can also wield the power of the veto. Brazil, Chile, Bolivia, Panama, and Columbia, however, have all had successful, stable presidential democracies with multiple parties, as has Indonesia in Asia.
Fortunately, the United States has the characteristics that have allowed presidential democracies in Central and South America to work well, as researched by the Journal of Democracy:
- The office of the executive is powerful so that the president can reward cooperating legislators with cabinet posts, pork projects, and policy concessions.
- Congress, too, is strong and can provide oversight of the president.
- Other institutions in the democracy are vigorous, especially a free media but also the courts, public prosecutors, and other independent oversight institutions.
Across much of Latin America, multiparty presidentialism has boosted political stability. As long as robust political competition and a strong set of autonomous institutions exist and potential excesses are kept within bounds, these multiparty democracies have not degenerated into systemic corruption.
Moving Forward
Challenges to the development of an American multiparty system abound, but it is important to recognize that with only two parties, the American system is an outlier. I believe, as do Lee Drutman and most political scientists, that we must find our way to a multiparty system if we are to overcome the extreme and poisonous hyperpartisanship that has characterized American politics for the last generation.
Next: Ranked Choice Voting
